什么是社会主义？

（取自： 百度百科)

社會主義（socialism）是一種經濟社會學思想，主張實行公有制經濟，認為生產資源應該由社會或政府所控制。在馬克思的理論中，社會主義是資本主義和共產主義之間的過渡，而且社會主義需要有發達的資本主義作基礎才能實現

　关于“社会主义”一词的最早使用，通常有三种说法。第一种说法认为，最早使用的是德国神学家、天主教本笃派教士安塞尔姆·德辛在１７５３年与人论战时把遵循自然规律的人称为社会主义者。第二种说法认为，“社会主义”一词，最先使用的是意大利传教士，表示一种上帝安排的传说制度。后来与无产阶级解放运动相联系而获得了政治意义。第三种说法认为，“社会主义”一词最初出现于１９世纪２０至３０年代欧文主义的刊物《合作》杂志和圣西门主义的刊物《环球》杂志上。空想社会主义者用这个词来表达他们不满资本主义社会中盛行的个人主义而期望实现的集体主义理想。
　　１９世纪３０至４０年代，“社会主义”一词在西欧广为流传。起初，这个词含有为提高劳动群众的福利和保障社会和平而改造社会制度的意思，容许财产不平等存在。而当时的“共产主义”一词，则一般是指通过生产资料（有时也包括生活资料）公有的办法来建立社会平等，主张取消财产不平等。所以无产阶级革命导师对于科学社会主义以前的空想社会主义和空想共产主义理论，有时统称为“社会主义”，有时则加以区别。马克思、恩格斯使用了“社会主义”一词，并作了科学解释，使社会主义由空想变为科学。
　　无产阶级开始独立的政治斗争以后，资产阶级经常利用“社会主义”来反对阶级斗争和无产阶级革命。恩格斯曾指出：“在１８４７年，社会主义是资产阶级的运动，而共产主义则是工人阶级的运动。”
　　马克思在１８４２年１０月１５日写的《共产主义和奥格斯堡〈总汇报〉》一文中，恩格斯在１８４３年写的《大陆上社会改革运动的进展》一文中，分别首次使用了“社会主义”一词，并赋予了科学的含义。不过在当时，马克思、恩格斯是把社会主义作为共产主义的同义语来使用的。
　　从此以后，作为思潮的名称，“社会主义”通常是指科学社会主义，是关于无产阶级解放条件的学说，即关于消灭一切阶级实现共产主义的一般规律的科学。
　　但是，“社会主义”仍有各种各样的含义和用法。马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中，把除了科学社会主义以外的１９世纪中叶在欧洲流行的社会主义思潮归纳为反动的社会主义（包括封建社会主义、小资产阶级社会主义和“真正”社会主义、资产阶级社会主义和批判的空想的社会主义）。
　　１９世纪７０年代，西学东渐，“社会主义”一词才开始在日本、中国书刊中出现。日本学者加藤弘之于１８７０年在《真政大意》中用日文片假名音译西方“社会主义”一词，西周于１８７１年在《百学连环》中意译为“会社之说”，福地源一郎于１８７８年６月《东京每日新闻》上第一次用汉字意译为“社会主义”。中国的《西洋杂志》于１８７８年音译为“索昔阿利司”，《万国公报》于１８９９年意译为“安民新学”、“养民学”，康有为、梁启超从１９０１年至１９０２年意译为“人群之说”、“人群主义”。梁启超从１９０２年９月２５日出版的《新民丛报》第１８期开始，把当时日本人通用的“社会主义”一词移植过来。从此，“社会主义”一词在中国书刊中逐步得到使用。 梁启超是最先把社会主义学说介绍到中国来的人，李大钊是第一位在中国传播科学社会主义学说的人。

(百度百科)
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Central Market

吉隆坡中央市场, 又名Pasar Seni (seni=艺术)，
顾名思义，那里有很多手工艺品、纪念品、画画、传统衣著等商店，
还有许多美食中心，是国内外游客必去之处。

(摄于6-6-2009 周六上午)

Quotable QUOTES... (2)

Most powerful is he who has himself in his own power.
- Seneca (5 BC - 65 AD)

Keeping your body healthy is an expression of gratitude to the whole cosmos - the trees, the clouds, everything.
- Thich Nhat Hanh

I don't think of the past. The only thing that matters is the everlasting present.
- W. Somerset Maugham (1874 - 1965)

I have a simple philosophy. Fill what's empty. Empty what's full. And scratch where it itches.
- Alice Roosevelt Longworth(1884 - 1980)

There must be more to life than having everything.
- Maurice Sendak (1928 - )

A little nonsense now and then, is relished by the wisest men.
- Anonymous

***

经济常识... 资本主义

(取自: 白度百科)

　　资本主义(Capitalism)并没有准确定义，不同的经济学家也对资本主义有不同的定义，一般而言资本主义指的是一种经济学或经济社会学的制度，在这样的制度下绝大部分的生产资料都归私人所有，并借助雇佣劳动的手段以生产工具创造利润。在这种制度里，商品和服务借助货币在自由市场里流通。投资的决定由私人进行，生产和销售主要由公司和工商业控制并互相竞争，依照各自的利益采取行动。
　　 社会学家马克斯·韦伯 (Max Weber)对资本主义的定义是“提供人类需求的产业是由企业方式所达成的”这么一种社会制度。在1920年他又提出了一个更广泛的定义，这个定义包括了马克思所说的“上古”时期的商业和高利贷资本，以及借由机会所制造的利润（例如投机）—而不只是直接的商业行为。
　　 一些人认为称呼现代主要的产业经济为“资本主义”是不正确的，因为这些经济体制都存在一定程度的政府干预。举例而言，很多人认为美国的市场与真正的“自由”仍相差一段距离，也因此称之为混合经济较为正确。不过一些人仍然认为美国的经济是资本主义，而英国的经济才是“混合经济”，又或者香港的经济是资本主义而美国的经济是混合经济等等，这取决于他们对于那些地区的经济自由度的看法。
　　 经济和商业历史学家Robert Hessen说：“彻底的自由经济（真正的自由放任）从来没有存在过，但政府权力对经济活动的控制自从18世纪以来便急遽升高，尤其是在经济大恐慌之后……今天的美国，昔日曾是资本主义的堡垒，但实际上是一个“混合经济”，政府在没有透明或一致的原则下对经济实行补助或限制。”
　 奥地利经济学派的经济学家也采取类似的定义，他们认为大多数现在的经济体制都是偏差的资本主义—有时候被称为裙带资本主义（Crony capitalism）。同样的，一些人使用“自由放任资本主义”一词来区分“普通的资本主义”，认为两者存在差异。一些人则认为“自由放任资本主义”一词是不必要的，因为一般对于资本主义的定义便已经清楚表明必须有“自由市场”贸易的存在。
　　 许多马克思主义者、无政府主义者、绿色组织、和反全球化者则主张在资本主义社会里，由资本家阶级担任统治阶级的社会，这些统治阶级并不会扮演保护自由市场的角色，反而会优先保护那些资本的所有人和公司。诺姆·乔姆斯基主张：“资本主义根本没有存在过。如果有，也早已在1920年代和1930年代消失了。”自由意志主义者和其他自由市场的支持者也可能会认同这种观点。不过，即使在18世纪的美国，生产和销售产品同样被政府部门所管制，而且政府也对农业进行补贴，经济的干预也持续在19世纪进行。
　　 世界体系理论的支持者则认为全球已经结合为一个资本主义的世界经济，即使是社会主义的国家（如古巴）也都与资本主义的世界经济合作。 主流的经济学家们也有一部分人也认为一些现代的经济仍可以被称为“资本主义”。

　　资本主义的基本特征 :
　　 一，生产力高度发展，社会富裕，鼓励自由的市场经济，政府对经济的干预尽量少。
　　 二，商品生产发展到很高的阶段，成为社会生产普遍的和统治的形式，劳动力变成了商品。
　　 三，资本家占有生产资料，用雇佣劳动的方式剥削工人阶级，生产的目的是创造利润（用马克思的表达式：生产的目的是攫取工人创造的剩余价值）。
　　 四，以使用机器的大生产为特征，生产社会化同资本主义的私人占有之间 的矛盾构成资本主义社会的基本矛盾，这一基本矛盾贯穿于资本主义发展的始终，它在经济上具体表现为个别企业生产有组织和整个社会生产的无政府状态的矛盾，在政治上表现为资产阶级和无产阶级的矛盾。资本主义的发展经历两大阶段——自由竞争的资本主义和垄断资本主义(又叫帝国主义)。
　　 五，与资本主义生产关系的统治形式相适应，资本主义以前的各种上层建筑被资产阶级的上层建筑所代替，产生了资产阶级的国家政权、法律制度和思想体系，形成包括资本主义生产方式和与它相适应的上层建筑的社会制度。

(百度百科)
*

政治常识... 共产主义

(取自： 百度百科)　　
共产主义(英文：Communism 法文：le Communisme)是推动建立一个以全体社会成员共同占有生产资料为基础的无阶级和国家的社会经济体系的学说。于工业革命和法国大革命之后壮大。共产主义的目的是提供解决资本主义经济内在矛盾和帝国主义、殖民主义遗产的出路。共产主义不是各种社会主义思潮的一个分支，由于其直指阶级社会的根源——私有制，也就超越了一切社会主义 。作为私有制的对立运动的产物，当私有制以其第一个形式——奴隶制出现时，就以原始基督教的形式出现了最早的共产主义，而此时共产主义却浸淫这小生产者的宗教狂热和平均主义，不是改造世俗世界，而是期盼天国美景；而以柏拉图的《理想国》为开端，出现了热衷于营建头脑中的城市的共产主义。伴随资本主义的曙光，所产生的空想社会主义尽管已经到达空前的高度，还不足以消灭私有制。科学的共产主义，是在现代工业和世界市场的基础上建立起来的。只有当私有制最终发展到其最完备、最高级的时期，发展为资本主义私有制，也就是关于私有制的对立运动走向最终阶段时，共产主义才能获得消灭私有制的历史任务，只有在这时，共产主义才不是表现为对一种理论的实践，而是关于历史实践的理论。以马克思主义为开端产生了科学共产主义，其主要形式还有基于马克思主义的列宁主义、托洛茨基主义和卢森堡主义等。卡尔·马克思被称为“共产主义之父” 。尽管存在着各种非马克思主义版本的共产主义，如魏特林共产主义，布朗基主义，基督教共产主义和无政府主义共产主义，但或者是小生产者宗教狂热和平均主义的混合物，或者是无产阶级不发达时期的理论反映，或者是野心家头脑中的杜撰产物。
　　
马克思充分研究了人类的历史、经济和科技的发展，发现人类社会是以物质生产为基础的，现有生产力所决定的分工造成的不同人的经济地位决定了不同人的的社会地位，人们之间的经济关系决定了整个社会的形态，法律、道德等上层建筑只是由经济地位决定的人们的社会地位的反映。
　　
马克思最大的功绩在于他发现了人类社会的进化遵循和自然进化同样的科学规律，人类社会自文明时代以来的的历史就是在内部阶级斗争的同时不断与大自然作斗争的历史。
　　
人类不能随心所欲的创造历史，任何人的活动一方面受到从前人那里继承来的物质基础的制约，另一方面受到其他社会成员的制约，无数个人互相冲突的主观意志构成了不以任何人的意志为转移的客观历史发展。
　　
根据生产力的不同及由不同生产力决定的不同社会关系，西欧的历史至今为止可以分为四个阶段，无阶级的原始共产主义社会，古代的民主或贵族共和制的奴隶制度、中古的封建制度、现代的资本主义制度；在东方大陆的氏族制度解体之后，则经历了家长制奴隶社会、集权制农业社会、在西方人入侵后变成了殖民地或半殖民地社会。资本主义社会是阶级社会的尾声，它的内部包含了阶级消亡的因素，资本主义大工业的发展造成的生产社会化最终将和阶级社会的私人占有制相冲突，最终导致阶级社会的消亡，也就是共产主义社会的到来。

(百度百科)
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历史常识 ...马共

【今日马来西亚怎样看马共】:
　　
虽然马共自从1989年和泰国、马来西亚两国政府达成停火协议后，已经从历史上消失了。但是巫统对待历史的态度仍然是一边倒。在现今的马来西亚，马共就是和恐怖主义等同的一个组织，没有其它的表述。
　　
成立于1930年的马共，全称马来亚共产党。在日本侵占马来亚后，他们学习中国共产党，组织了丛林游击队，与英军合作抗日。在战时担任联络员的陈平还被英帝国授予两枚勋章。
　　
1945年日本投降后，英国恢复对马来亚的殖民统治。同年12月，马共解散了人民抗日军。但是此后面对英军的殖民统治，马共又重新走上了武装抗争之路。而马共在此期间造成了大量平民伤亡的事实，也让它留下了恐怖、残忍的恶名。
　　
1955年12月28日，马共和以东姑阿都拉曼为首的联盟自治政府代表团，在吉打华玲针对放下武器走出森林谈判，但最终因马共不接受投降的条件而宣告失败。1960年前夕，马共越来越势单力孤，从此转入泰国南部，领导人陈平也在1960年远赴北京，此后又辗转到泰国。
　　
1989年，马共虽然最终和巫统当局签订了和平协定，但其在马来西亚国内的“恶魔”形象始终没有得到改善。陈平数次申请回国，都未得到允许。
　　
一直以来，代表马来人利益的巫统当局对马共始终采取严厉的抨击态度，而马来的一部分华人则认为这样的评价并不公平。毕竟，马共在抗日战争期间表现神勇，而如果没有马共的抗争，英国人恐怕也很难那么轻易地让马来西亚独立。

（取自：百度百科)

金钱、地位买不到

。。。的爱情

Bye-bye...

(吉兰丹王妃Manohara Odelia Pinot)

生命城可贵

爱情价更高；

若为自由故

两者皆可抛?

*

人生舞台

All the World's a Stage

(by William Shakespeare)

*

All the world's a stage,

And all the men and women merely players;

They have their exits and their entrances,

And one man in his time plays many parts,

His acts being seven ages. At first, the infant,

Mewling and puking in the nurse's arms.

Then the whining schoolboy, with his satchel

And shining morning face, creeping like snail

Unwillingly to school. And then the lover,

Sighing like furnace, with a woeful ballad

Made to his mistress' eyebrow. Then a soldier,

Full of strange oaths and bearded like the pard,

Jealous in honor, sudden and quick in quarrel,

Seeking the bubble reputation

Even in the cannon's mouth. And then the justice,

In fair round belly with good capon lined,

with eyes severe and beard of formal cut,

Full of wise saws and modern instances;

And so he plays his part. The sixth age shifts

Into the lean and slippered pantaloon,

With spectacles on nose and pouch on side;

His youthful hose, well saved, a world too wide

For his shrunk shank, and his big manly voice,

Turning again toward childish treble, pipes

And whistles in his sound. Last scene of all,

That ends this strange eventful history,

Is second childishness and mere oblivion,

Sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything.

- William Shakespeare

陈平，何方神圣？

CHIN PENG
(From Wikipedia)
Chin Peng, former OBE, 陈平 (born 1924), was born Ong Boon Hua (王文華) in Sitiawan, and was a long-time leader of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP).

Early years:
Chin Peng was born in late October, 1924, into a middle class Hokchia (Mandarin: Fuqing) family in the small seaside town of Sitiawan, in Perak state, Malaya. His father had come to the town in 1920 and started a bicycle, tyre, and spare motor parts business with the help of a relative from Singapore. He attended a Chinese-language school in Sitiawan. In 1937 he joined the Chinese Anti Enemy Backing Up Society (AEBUS), formed that year to send aid to China in response to Japan's aggression against that country. According to Chin and Hack, he was not yet at that time a devoted communist. He was in charge of anti-Japanese activities at his school. Initially a supporter of Sun Yat-sen, by early 1939 he had embraced communism. He planned to go to Yan'an, the renowned Communist base in China, but was persuaded to remain in Malaya and take on heavier responsibilities for the Party there.

In late 1939, by which time Chin Peng had completed his study up to Senior Middle One, his school announced that the Senior Middle section was to be closed due to lack of money. He chose to continue his education in the Methodist-run Anglo-Chinese Continuation School, which operated in English, because it provided a good cover for his underground activities and because it was local so he would not have to move to Singapore for schooling. However after six months he left the school "for fear of British harassment". Once out of school, he concentrated on his political activities, and became, from that point on, a full time revolutionary. In January 1940 he had been put in charge of three anti-Japanese organisations that had a scope beyond the schools; they were for students, teachers, other cultural members, and shop assistants. At the end of January, 1940, he was admitted to the Malayan Communist Party as a candidate member.
Harassment by the authorities led him to leave his home town for Kuala Kangsar in July 1940. (This may be the same movement as his leaving school, referred to above.) Later he spent a month in Taiping. In September 1940 the party posted him to Ipoh as Standing Committee Member for Perak. In December he attained full Party membership.

In early 1941 AEBUS was dissolved. Chin Peng became Ipoh District Committee Member of the Party. "He led student underground cells of three Chinese secondary schools and the Party's organisations of the shop assistants, domestic servants of European families, workers at brick kilns and barbers." In June 1941 he became a member of the Perak State Committee.


Rise to prominence:
Chin Peng rose to prominence during World War II when many Chinese Malayans took to the jungle to fight a guerrilla war against the Japanese. These fighters, inspired by the example of the Communist Party of China, became known as the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA). Chin Peng became the liaison officer between the MPAJA and the British military in South-East Asia.

The Japanese invasion of Malaya began in December 1941. In 1942 Chin Peng was the junior of three members of the Secretariat of the Perak State Committee: Su Yew Meng was secretary, and Chang Meng Ching (Mandarin: Zhang Ming Jin) was the other member. In early 1943 the two senior members were captured by the Japanese, which left Chin Peng in charge. Contact with the Party's Central Committee had been lost; he attempted to re-establish it, travelling to Kuala Lumpur and meeting Chai Ker Meng. Later Lai Tek, the Party leader, sent another Central Committee member, Lee Siow Peng (Siao Ping), to replace Chin Peng as State Secretary. However, Lee Siow Peng was captured not long after, while travelling to a meeting that was to be held in Singapore. It was thus that the job of establishing contact with the British commando Force 136 fell to Chin Peng. The first party of that force, consisting of Capt. John Davis and five Chinese agents, had been landed in Malaya on 24 May 1943, by submarine. Chin Peng made contact with this armed group on 30 September 1943. He was active in his support for the British stay-behind troops, but had no illusions about their failure to protect Malaya against the Japanese. In the course of this activity, he came into contact with Freddie Spencer Chapman, who called him a 'true friend' in his Malayan jungle memoir, 'The Jungle Is Neutral'.

In the course of the war, Chin Peng was awarded an OBE(subsequently withdrawn by the British government), a mention in despatches, and two campaign medals,by Britain. He was elected the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Malaya after the betrayal of previous leader Lai Tek who turned out to be an agent for both the British and the Japanese and had denounced the leadership of the Party to the Japanese secret police. Chin Peng was the most senior surviving member.

He gained notoriety for being the leader of the MCP armed insurgency, which led to a large number of civilian casualties. Some have claimed this was in contrast to the stance adopted by Mao Zedong and his policy of the Eight Points of Attention to avoid civilian casualties. He withdrew to southern Thailand with the remnants of his forces during the latter part of the Emergency as a result of security force pressure and at the end of 1960 moved to Beijing, which became his base for many years. He was thus effectively exiled from Malaya and remains so until this day. He was a firm anti-colonialist who opposed the British rule of Malaya, but wished to create a Communist dictatorship under the Malayan Communist Party. For that reason he continued the struggle even after Malaysia achieved independence.
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(Wikipedia)

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